The Invisible Architecture of People-Centered Justice
By María Fernanda Rodríguez
When a girl who has suffered violence enters the justice system, she does not find “the system.” She finds an interview, then another. A referral. A medical examination. A protection order. A wait. A case file moving through an office she will never see.
From her perspective, and the only one, strictly speaking, that should matter, none of these are separate agencies with distinct mandates. It is a single journey. And the quality of that journey, more than the legal correctness of each isolated decision, determines whether the state protected her or harmed her again.
There is a silent paradox in how we study justice. We analyze institutions, yet people never experience institutions: they experience journeys. While the state organizes competences, people move through paths. That seemingly simple difference completely changes how we think about access to justice.
Over the past decade, the movement for people-centered justice has produced a profound shift in public policy. Faced with a global gap that leaves some 5.1 billion people, nearly two-thirds of humanity, without meaningful access to justice,1 the question became not only how to improve the functioning of institutions, but also how to ensure that people receive timely, accessible responses to resolve the problems that led them to seek justice. Putting people at the center became the new standard for quality.
That shift drove important advances: participation mechanisms, simplified procedures, user-centered service design, and interdisciplinary approaches. But it also exposed a less-discussed problem. The principles of people-centered justice increasingly guide reforms, yet the journeys of those seeking protection still depend on something rarely made visible: how the state organizes and connects its own capabilities.
People-centered justice does not materialize through better front-line practices alone. It requires the system’s institutional architecture to enable those practices to link together into a continuous, coherent experience. Without that architecture, good practices remain isolated.
The Journey as the Unit of Analysis
We have traditionally analyzed justice systems through the institutions that comprise them: their competences, procedures, and resources. It is an important lens, but an incomplete one because it does not reflect how people experience justice. Institutions are the unit through which the state is organized; journeys are the unit through which people experience it.
While the state distributes competences among specialized agencies, the person moving through the system experiences a continuous sequence of interviews, referrals, decisions, and waits that, from their perspective, constitute one and the same process.
That change in the unit of analysis, from the institution to the journey, has profound consequences. It makes visible what remains hidden when each agency is studied separately: the continuity of interventions, the flow of information, the coordination among actors, the clarity of the path, the timeliness of responses, and the burden the system places on the person who travels it. Two systems may have equally specialized institutions and similar legal frameworks yet still produce radically different experiences. The difference lies in the quality of the journey each can build.
A journey compatible with people-centered justice has at least six attributes. It is continuous, because each intervention is part of a single process of accompaniment. It is understandable because the person comprehends what is happening, who is involved, and what the next step will be. It is coordinated because different institutions act guided by shared objectives. It is timely because each response arrives when it is needed. It avoids revictimization by reducing repeated interviews, unnecessary referrals, and duplication. And, finally, it is oriented towards resolving the problem that gave rise to the journey. Coordination is not an end in itself; it is the means to guarantee rights.
The Need for Institutional Architecture is Shown Most Clearly via a Child’s Justice Journey
Few fields reveal the importance of institutional architecture as clearly as the protection of children and adolescents from violence. Almost no public policy demands such a high level of coordination: the response simultaneously involves administrative protection agencies, health services, educational institutions, security forces, public prosecutors, public defenders, courts, and interdisciplinary teams. Each performs an irreplaceable function. But no child experiences those actions as independent interventions: they experience a single journey.
It is also the field where the cost of fragmentation is highest. When interventions appear disjointed, repetitive, or disconnected, the very function of the system generates new burdens on someone already in a situation of maximum vulnerability. The interview repeated for the fourth time, the lost referral, and the information that is not circulated: these are not merely management problems; they are experiences that wound again and again.
Children represent nearly a third of the world’s population yet remain largely invisible in justice efforts.2 Precisely for that reason, their journeys are the most crucial test of whether a system is truly centered on people.
Institutional Architecture as a Condition of Possibility
If access to justice takes shape through journeys, and the quality of those journeys depends on how institutions manage to articulate their interventions, then there is an area of analysis we can no longer take for granted: institutional architecture.
This is understood not as an organizational chart but as the system of relationships that transforms dispersed capabilities into an integrated response.
It comprises the rules that distribute competences, coordination mechanisms, forms of governance, information systems, modes of case management, and the spaces that enable different institutions to act as part of a single response.
Journeys do not appear spontaneously. They are the visible expression of an institutional architecture. An architecture can foster journeys that are continuous, coordinated, and protective, or it can produce journeys that are fragmented, hard to understand, excessively long, or needlessly burdensome. And the difference does not lie only in the immense commitment of those who work in the system, but largely in how that system was designed.
This is why it is worth exploring reversing the process. Instead of evaluating an architecture by the number of institutions it comprises or by its level of specialization, we should evaluate it by the quality of the journeys it produces.
From that perspective, institutional architecture ceases to be an administrative matter and becomes a condition for the effectiveness of rights. This fosters the state’s collective capacity, which can be described through a set of essential functions: steering action through governance mechanisms; coordinating different institutions around shared objectives; conducting journeys in an integrated way; sharing information; learning from experience; adapting to changing problems; and evaluating the experience the system produces as a whole, rather than just each individual agency’s activities.
Functions, Not Models
Coordinating, sharing information, conducting journeys, or generating evidence are systemic functions. They do not belong to a specific institution. Thus, the question shifts from which model to adopt to which capabilities each system needs to develop.
International experience confirms this idea. Initiatives such as Barnahus,[1] Children’s Advocacy Centers,[2] or the Family Justice Centers[3] are often presented as models to replicate. Yet each responds to its own institutional history, legal framework, and organizational culture. Simply attempting to replicate these models without adapting them to the specific context can lead to frustration.
It is more useful to observe which capabilities they managed to develop. Barnahus, for instance, does not stand out simply for gathering services under one roof. Its main contribution lies in strengthening interdisciplinary coordination, reducing repeated interviews, and conducting the child’s journey in an integrated way. Those capabilities can be achieved through very different institutional arrangements.
Comparing capabilities rather than models enables systems to learn from one another without expecting them all to adopt the same form.
Evolving, Not Creating New Systems
Understanding architecture in terms of capabilities has one final advantage for those who must make decisions. Institutional architectures are not built all at once, nor do they answer to a definitive model: they evolve. And they almost always evolve incrementally, adding new capabilities to already consolidated structures.
Strengthening a system rarely means creating more institutions or replacing existing ones; it means improving the relationships that connect them, so that the capabilities already in place have the opportunity to thrive.
That evolution tends to be gradual. First, each institution’s capabilities are consolidated. Then coordination mechanisms are strengthened. Later, functional integration, information sharing, harmonized procedures, and joint case management follow. Finally, integration ceases to be a coordination tool and becomes a design criterion. The system then begins to organize itself explicitly around people’s journeys.
That last step marks the passage from an institution-centered logic to a people-centered one. It is not a leap; it is a path.
From the Institutional Question to the Right One
The case of violence against children offers the most demanding ground for thinking through these questions, but the lesson extends beyond that field. Gender-based violence, mental health, social protection, or human mobility present the same challenge: they require simultaneous intervention by multiple institutions, and therefore, their response depends on an architecture capable of integrating them.
For that reason, the relationship between journeys, capabilities, and institutional architecture is an interpretive key for a wide range of public policies. Building people-centered justice institutionally means incorporating institutional architecture as a permanent object of design, management, and evaluation of public policy. Not as an administrative technicality, but as what decides whether principles translate (or not) into concrete experiences of protection.
In the end, the decisive question is no longer how many institutions intervene, or even how good each is on its own. The question is different, and it is the one we should be able to answer for every girl, every boy, and every person seeking justice: how must the system as a whole be organized so that, throughout their entire journey, each person finds justice that truly places them at the center?
Notes
- Task Force on Justice, “Justice for All – The Report of the Task Force on Justice,” NYU Center on International Cooperation (CIC), 2019, https://cic.nyu.edu/resources/justice-for-all-report-of-the-task-force-on-justice/. The figure of 5.1 billion people without meaningful access to justice is maintained by Pathfinders for Peaceful, Just and Inclusive Societies.
- Pathfinders for Peaceful, Just and Inclusive Societies, “Justice for Children,” n.d., sdg16.plus/justice-in-action/justice-for-children. Children represent nearly 30 percent of the world’s population and remain largely invisible in justice efforts.
[1] Barnahus (Icelandic for “children’s house”): a Nordic integrated-response model that emerged in Iceland in 1998, inspired by the U.S. Children’s Advocacy Centers. It brings the judicial, child-protection, medical, and psychological interventions together under one roof and in a coordinated way, in order to reduce revictimization. Its European (PROMISE) standards are promoted by the Council of the Baltic Sea States. See barnahus.eu.
[2] Children’s Advocacy Centers (CAC): a US model created in Huntsville, Alabama, in 1985, that organizes an interdisciplinary response to child abuse in a child-friendly setting. In the United States they are accredited by the National Children’s Alliance. See nationalchildrensalliance.org.
[3] Family Justice Centers: co-located service hubs for victims of family and gender-based violence. The first opened in San Diego, California, in 2002, and the network is led by Alliance for HOPE International. See allianceforhope.org.
Related Resources